There is minimal literature upon the strategic culture of Serbia; a country where security and identity is definably important. Therefore focusing upon how the media frames and focuses upon gender is interesting to reflect. The media tended to manipulate gender identities in order to create a feeling of threat towards an ethnic group, according to Banjeglav (2011). Zarkov (2007) identified that the former Yugoslavia began to cover stories that were not tended to be covered previously – he suggests that suddenly there was a sudden interest to mediate the issues of women such as reproduction and sexual violence, childcare and abortion rights. Conflict continued within the media which resulted to a weekly Serbian ‘NIN’ and daily ‘Politika’ followed protests by women stemming from the case of Albanian politician, Fadil Hoxha. The press clearly wished to represent the women who protested as victims, a reflection of a continued patriarchal society. Daily “Politika” (1987) was quoted to print “women and children of Serbian and Montenegrin nationality have suffered real terror for years”, security continuing to remain unsecure for the female population during this conflicting period. Kaneva (2014) points out that the sexualised display of politicians bodies highlight a change of taste and manners of a post socialist culture. The discourse of the Serbian patriarchal society continues to exist, as Gidenil & Everitt (1999:49) imply that women who are in politics are “atypical” and continues to suggest that their very existence within politics should be minimised because they appear to be trivialising theirselves by beauty regimes and use of particular language which becomes mediated to the public through visuals. More recently, there has been literature to show scholars giving their attention to understand the cultural implications of gendered mediation and how female politicians efforts to manage their own image that has been publicly distributed.
Throughout previous academic work that, as a course, we have covered, key theorists will include Foucault, to consider his terms of power through discourse in order to explain how power can evolve. This is important to consider in Serbian society because of the country starting from “zero” and a war torn conflicted culture.
Neo liberalism and post modernity is appealing when investigating Serbia and Yugoslavia conflict. As Giddens (1991) Argues that there is a new kind of identity that has appeared within the 21st century, however, how this has become moulded is interesting. Giddens continues to suggest that the new identity creates the context for a reflexive individual which can therefore stem a fluid and flexible identity. Identity and nationality was fixed but now we are able to change our social globalisation, admittedly easier within the United Kingdom, an expansion of business brings more fluid motions of where we belong: ultimately a theory of supply and demand in consumerism empire that is becoming more prominent within Serbian society.